To understand how the standoff between Pyongyang and the world became so dire, it helps to go back to the country's founding. ATLANTA—Around midnight, hours after their candidate conceded he had lost the Most Important Special Election in History, the last remaining supporters of Jon Ossoff took over the stage where he had recently stood.

One of them waved a bottle of vodka in the air. Together, they took up the time-honored leftist chant: But after a frenzied two-month runoff campaign between Ossoff and his Republican opponent, Karen Handel, the Democrat wound up with about the same proportion of the vote—48 percent—as Hillary Clinton got here in November.

If this race was a referendum on Trump, the president won it. Castile was licensed to carry a gun. He carefully informed Officer Jeronimo Yanez—exceeding his legal requirements under Minnesota law, though following the advice some gun-rights advocates offer for concealed carriers when stopped by police.

And yet Yanez almost instantly shot him. That aspect made the case a central focus not just for Black Lives Matter activists, but for some gun owners, too. Even setting aside the questionable grounds under which Yanez had pulled Castile over a malfunctioning taillight is a classic pretextual stop police use to question black drivers , Castile had done everything right.

If the party cares about winning, it needs to learn how to appeal to the white working class. The strategy was simple. A demographic wave—long-building, still-building—would carry the party to victory, and liberalism to generational advantage. The wave was inevitable, unstoppable. It would not crest for many years, and in the meantime, there would be losses—losses in the midterms and in special elections; in statehouses and in districts and counties and municipalities outside major cities.

Losses in places and elections where the white vote was especially strong. But the presidency could offset these losses. Every four years the wave would swell, receding again thereafter but coming back in the next presidential cycle, higher, higher. The presidency was everything. With the powers in Pyongyang working doggedly toward making this possible—building an ICBM and shrinking a nuke to fit on it—analysts now predict that Kim Jong Un will have the capability before Donald Trump completes one four-year term.

Though given to reckless oaths, Trump is not in this case saying anything that departs significantly from the past half century of futile American policy toward North Korea.

Preventing the Kim dynasty from having a nuclear device was an American priority long before Pyongyang exploded its first nuke, in , during the administration of George W.

The Kim regime detonated four more while Barack Obama was in the White House. In the more than four decades since Richard Nixon held office, the U. The Republican triumph in an affluent, educated Georgia congressional district showed GOP voters standing by their president. Notwithstanding national polls suggesting about 39 percent approval for the Republican president, a more-or-less standard-issue Republican candidate won by about 4 percentage points in exactly the kind of affluent, educated district supposedly most at risk in the Trump era.

But a big win is not the same thing as good news. The special elections of May and June offered Republicans a last chance for a course correction before the election cycle starts in earnest. A loss in Georgia would have sent a message of caution.

The victory discredits that argument, and empowers those who want Trumpism without restraint, starting with the president himself.

The myth, which liberals like myself find tempting, is that only the right has changed. In June , we tell ourselves, Donald Trump rode down his golden escalator and pretty soon nativism, long a feature of conservative politics, had engulfed it.

If the right has grown more nationalistic, the left has grown less so. A decade ago, liberals publicly questioned immigration in ways that would shock many progressives today.

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The quality and variety of food in the U. The business seems to be struggling.

But in cities across the U. A new book points to the importance of strong conservative parties—and warns about the consequences when they fall short. Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy is written in fire. It delves deep into long-forgotten electoral histories to emerge with insights of Tocquevillian power, to illuminate not only the past but also the present and future.

Money Makes The World Go Round - For & Against

The non-rich always outnumber the rich. Democracy enables the many to outvote the few: If the few possess power and wealth, they may respond to this prospect by resisting democracy before it arrives—or sabotaging it afterward. Over time, leaders lose mental capacities—most notably for reading other people—that were essential to their rise. If power were a prescription drug, it would come with a long list of known side effects.

But can it cause brain damage? When various lawmakers lit into John Stumpf at a congressional hearing last fall, each seemed to find a fresh way to flay the now-former CEO of Wells Fargo for failing to stop some 5, employees from setting up phony accounts for customers. Nor did he seem defiant or smug or even insincere. He looked disoriented, like a jet-lagged space traveler just arrived from Planet Stumpf, where deference to him is a natural law and 5, a commendably small number.

A video previously seen by the jury shows what happened in the moments leading up to the shooting. Dashcam footage seen by investigators and members of the courtroom during the trial of former police officer Jeronimo Yanez was made public Tuesday, shedding new light on the shooting of year-old Philando Castile. Yanez was previously accused of second-degree manslaughter after he repeatedly shot Castile at a traffic stop in a suburb of St.

Paul, Minnesota, but was acquitted of all charges on Friday. Defense attorneys argued that Yanez feared for his life after Castile informed him he had a gun in the car for which he had obtained a legal permit. The video below contains graphic content. Humans aren't the only mammals who kill each other.

So how do we stack up to lions, tigers, and bears? Lacey Schwartz grew up in an upper-middle-class Jewish household, and never once questioned her whiteness—despite not looking like anyone in her family.

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Search The Atlantic Quick Links James Fallows Ta Nehisi Coates Manage subscription. Money Makes the World Go 'Round Money Makes the World Go 'Round. Most Popular Why Ossoff Lost Molly Ball 7: Franklin Foer Jun 20, How to Deal With North Korea Mark Bowden Jun 19, It's Trump's Party Now David Frum Latest Video How North Korea Became a Crisis To understand how the standoff between Pyongyang and the world became so dire, it helps to go back to the country's founding Daniel Lombroso , Jackie Lay , and Mark Bowden Jun 19, About the Author Sage Stossel is a contributing editor for The Atlantic and draws the cartoon feature Sage, Ink.

She is author and illustrator of the children's books On the Loose in Boston , On the Loose in Washington, DC , and On the Loose in Philadelphia.

Her graphic novel Starling is serialized on GoComics. Most Popular Presented by. There are no good options. But some are worse than others. In the past decade, liberals have avoided inconvenient truths about the issue. For restaurants in America, it is the best of times, and it is the worst of times.

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